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In a letter to the editor of The New York Times , Kuehnelt-Leddihn critiqued the design of every American coin then in circulation except for the Washington quarter , which he allowed was "so far the most satisfactory coin" and judged the Mercury dime to be "the most deplorable. After the Second World War , he resettled in Lans , where he lived until his death.

He also worked with the Acton Institute , which declared him after his death "a great friend and supporter.

According to his friend William F. Buckley , Dr. Kuehnelt-Leddihn was "the world's most fascinating man. His socio-political writings dealt with the origins and the philosophical and cultural currents that formed Nazism.

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He endeavored to explain the intricacies of monarchist concepts and the systems of Europe, cultural movements such as Hussitism and Protestantism , and the disastrous effects of an American policy derived from antimonarchical feelings and ignorance of European culture and history. Kuehnelt-Leddihn directed some of his most significant critiques towards Wilsonian foreign policy activism. Traces of Wilsonianism could be detected in the foreign policies of Franklin Roosevelt ; specifically, the assumption that democracy is the ideal political system in any context.

Kuehnelt-Leddihn believed that Americans misunderstood much of Central European culture such as the Austro-Hungarian Empire , [9] which Kuehnelt-Leddihn claimed as one of the contributing factors to the rise of Nazism. He also highlighted characteristics of the German society and culture especially the influences of both Protestant and Catholic mentalities and attempted to explain the sociological undercurrents of Nazism. Thus, he concludes that sound Catholicism, sound Protestantism, or even, probably, sound popular sovereignty German-Austrian unification in all three would have prevented National Socialism although Kuehnelt-Leddihn rather dislikes the latter two.

Contrary to the prevailing view that the Nazi Party was a radical right-wing movement with only superficial and minimal leftist elements, Kuehnelt-Leddihn asserted that Nazism National Socialism was a strongly leftist , democratic movement ultimately rooted in the French Revolution that unleashed forces of egalitarianism , conformity , materialism and centralization.

Furthermore, Kuehnelt-Leddihn claimed that all democracy is basically totalitarian and that all democracies eventually degenerate into dictatorships.


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However, he considered the United States to have been to a certain extent subject to a silent democratic revolution in the late s. In Liberty or Equality , his masterpiece, Kuehnelt-Leddihn contrasted monarchy with democracy and presented his arguments for the superiority of monarchy: diversity is upheld better in monarchical countries than in democracies.

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Monarchism is not based on party rule and "fits organically into the ecclesiastic and familistic pattern of Christian society. In February , Kuehnelt-Leddihn wrote an article arguing against seeking a peace deal to end the Vietnam War. Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses. Home FAQ Contact. Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn Wikipedia open wikipedia design. Tobelbad now Haselsdorf-Tobelbad , Austria-Hungary.

Lans, Tyrol , Austria. Liberty belongs neither to the animal world nor to the sphere of inanimate matter. Freedom, as we see, is the only postulate of liberalism-of all the four phases of genuine liberalism.


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If, therefore, democracy is liberal, the life, the whims, the interests of the minority will be just as much respected as those of the majority. Yet it is obvious that not only a 33 democracy but even a monarchy absolute or otherwise or an aristocra- tic elitarian regime can be liberal.

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As a matter of fact, the affinity between democracy and liberalism is not at all greater than between, let us say, monarchy and liberalism or a mixed government and liberal- ism. People under the Greek monarchy, which was an effective and not only symbolic mixed government, were not less free than in Costa Rica, to name only one example. Viewed in the light of the terminology we are using in accordance with the leading political scientists, 13 it seems that-to quote a few instances-monarchs such as Louis XIV, Frederick II, or George II are genuine liberals by modern standards.

None of the aforementioned could have issued a decree whereby he drafted all male subjects into his army, a decree regulating the diet of his citizens, or one demanding a general confession of all his economic activities from the head of each household in the form of an income tax declaration.

We had to wait for the democratic age to see conscription, prohibition, and modern taxation made into laws by the people's representatives who have nluch greater power than even the absolute monarchs of old dreamed of. Modern parlia- ments can be more peremptory in all their demands because they operate with the magic democratic formula.

They desperately tried to bequeath their countries to their heirs. If they failed utterly, they sometimes had their heads chopped off. They could not con- veniently retire to a quiet law office like deputies or presidents failing to get reelected. From the foregoing we can see that democracy and totalitarianism are not mutually exclusive terms.

Professor J.

Genuine liberal- 34 ism, on the other hand, rarely became a real mass movement -conser- vatism never. The marriage between democracy and liberalism again we add: in the etymological sense of the term came late in history and had the seeds of divorce in it.

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De Tocqueville saw only too clearly that while democracy could founder into chaos, the greater danger was its gradual evolution into oppressive totalitarianism, a type of tyranny the world had never seen before and for which it was partly conditioned by modern administrative methods and technological inventions. This would also be the case if we could dispense altogether with these two magic words. They can, however, be put to very good use and often-as handy labels- truly simplify matters.

Right and left have been used in Western civilization from times immemorial with certain meanings; right German: rechts had a posi- tive, left a negative connotation. The Italian sinistro can mean left, unfortunate, or calamitous.

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